Comparison-contrast essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Comparison-contrast - Essay Example In his article, Staffo presents an insightful discussion about interscholastic athletics. Although he acknowledges that interscholastic athletics is a good initiative that can positively contribute to the life of students, he says that it has not been used to instill educational values in learners as it ought to be. According to his research, the goals f scholastic athletics are no longer important to the school administration, teachers and students. Today, scholastic athletics has become a tool for propagating violence, unhealthy competition and encouragement of the domination of teachers over the student body. Similar sentiments are echoed by Pietrofesa and Rosen who traces the development of violence and criminal activities in athletics amongst the professional athletes, high school and college students. The other similarity in the articles is that they both give recommendations on how violence and other criminal activities in athletics can be resolved. To Staffo, the best thing to do is to stop perceiving scholastic athletics as a tool for competition. Being that students are encouraged to participate in athletics so as to defeat their opponent makes them grow up as bad citizens who can do anything at whatever cost to out do their opponents. Besides, both the scholars argue that it is upon the physical educators and coaches to ensure that they provide the necessary counseling skills on their athletes. Better still, team managers should offer periodical lectures on athletes so as to teach them on the benefits of refraining from violence and any other form of violence that can derail them from continuing with their athletics activities. However, despite these similarities, the articles have lots of differences. First, while Interscholastic Sports Msdirected? Misguided? Misnomer? is mainly concerned about high school athletics, Strategies for reducing criminal violence among

Investigating Alykl Hydoxylation in P450-can Using EVB

Investigating Alykl Hydoxylation in P450-can Using EVB Shen Ye Abstract Cytochrome P450s are a superfamily of haemoproteins1-3 which catalyse the oxidation of organic molecules4. One P450 enzyme studied for its hydroxylation mechanism is P450cam (CYP101) from the Pseudomonas putida bacteria, whose crystal structure (1DZ9) was solved by Schlichting et al.5. The active form of P450cam contains an oxyferryl species known as compound I(CPDI), where the iron has a formal oxidation state of Fe(V) 6, 7 in the plane of a porphyrin ring with a protruding oxygen atom. This oxygen atom is a tremendously potent oxidising agent and can readily abstract a hydrogen of a C-H bond from non-activated hydrocarbons with potentially high regioselectivity[REF]. Acknowledgements The author would like to thank: Patrick von Glehn Dr Richard Lonsdale Professor Adrian Mulholland Professor Jeremy Harvey Professor Neil Allan Table of Contents Abstract Acknowledgements Table of Contents Part I – Literature Review An introduction to haem oxygenases Cytochrome P450 enzymes P450 catalytic cycle P450cam An introduction to CHARMM and EVB Part II Methodology Part I – Literature Review An introduction to haem oxygenases After hydrogen and helium, oxygen is the third most abundant chemical element in the universe8 and makes up 20.9% of Earth’s atmosphere9. Oxygen accounts for 65% of the mass in humans8 as it is found in all biological systems including carbohydrates, proteins, lipids and water. Oxygen occurs in the atmosphere as dioxygen, with a triple ground state where the two unpaired electrons are occupying two degenerate molecular orbitals10. This makes incorporating atmospheric oxygen into organic molecules (predominantly singlet species) extremely difficult as it would be a spin forbidden process. Haem oxygenases are enzymes containing a prosthetic haem cofactor, an iron atom held by a porphyrin ring. Haem B is the most common prosthetic haem group, consisting of a protoporphyrin IX ring bound to the iron. It is most commonly found in the human body inside haemoglobin and myoglobin11, playing a major role when it comes to binding atmospheric dioxygen. There are two groups of haem oxygenases, monooxygenases and dioxygenases, one reacts using a single oxygen atom and the other using both oxygen atoms. The haem B cofactor and the apoenzyme are synthesised separately in different parts of a cell and they are connected via ligation to the iron atom on the proximal face12. The protoporphyrin ring is a tetrapyrrole macrocycle synthesised from basic biological precursors including succinyl CoA and the most basic amino acid, glycine13. Ferrochelatase coordinates the iron atom to the protoporphyrin, producing haem B14. In cytochrome P450 enzyme the iron is ligated to a proximal cysteine residue via the sulphur atom15, however in some other oxygenases and other haemoproteins such as haemoglobin and myoglobin the iron is coordinated to a proximal histidine residue16. In monooxygenases one of the dioxygen atoms is converted to H2O and the other is commonly inserted into an aliphatic position of the substrate, producing a hydroxyl group by oxidation of reducing agents such as NADH and NAD(P)H17, 18. The most studied haem-containing monooxygenases are the superfamily of cytochrome P450 enzymes due to their large diversity and versatility19, 20. Cytochrome P450 enzymes Cytochrome P450 enzymes (CYP) were first discovered by Axelrod21 and Brodie et al.22 in 1955 when they observed the oxidation of xenobiotic compounds in the endoplasmic reticulum of the liver, but the enzymes responsible were still unknown until 1962. Klingenberg23 and Garfinkel24 found a carbon monoxide binding pigment in the rat and pig livers, respectively, which had an absorption maximum at 450 nm. The CO molecule was bound to the centre of the haem and its 450 nm absorption maximum25 is prevalent in all CYPs26-28, an electron spin resonance spectrum identified this enzyme was a low spin haemoprotein29. This 450 nm Soret peak is the origin of the name P450. The superfamily of CYPs contain over a thousand haem monooxygenases30 and are present in nearly all living organisms and even viruses, a well-known exception is Escherichia coli4, 19 which is widely used to investigate CYPs by sequence insertion into plasmids and allow the E. coli to express the genes31, 32. CYPs typically con tain approximately 500 amino acids, the cysteine residue which ligates to the haem group is located near the carboxy-terminus and the amino-terminus region of CYPs are rich in hydrophobic residues and is believed to be responsible for binding the enzymes to the lipid bilayers of cells33. CYPs in mammals are a crucial part of catalysing the metabolism of organic compounds and the biosynthesis of steroid hormones34, such as oestrogen and testosterone, and are able to perform hydroxylation, epoxidations and other oxidation reactions at physiological temperatures35 extremely selectively. Such reactions when performed uncatalysed tend to require extremely high temperatures5. CYPs are tremendously versatile, they’re able to catalyse a wide range of foreign hydrophobic compounds, which helps to protect the organism if they have ingested potentially harmful substances including toxins and carcinogens36. This ability is often called â€Å"xenobiotic metabolism†37. There is a system for the nomenclature of P450 enzymes, which is â€Å"CYP† followed by a number, a latter and another number, e.g. CYP2J2. The first number relates to the family of the CYP, where all the CYPs in the family share a sequence identity of 40% or greater. The letter afterwards corresponds to the subfamily, where the CYPs in the subfamily share a sequence identity of 55% of greater. The final number is a label where all CYPs with this label share a sequence identity of 97% or greater38. CYPs with the same label are known as isoforms. Humans have 57 different CYP isoforms divided into 18 families and 42 subfamilies34. Most of the isoforms are found on membranes, including the inner membrane of mitochondria, the endoplasmic reticulum and the cell membrane. They all differ in roles but the processes they all catalyse are similar and a few are crucial for catalysing more than once process. For example CYP 17A1 is located in the endoplasmic reticulum and is shown to be both a hydrolase and lyase, a key enzyme in the biosynthetic pathway of steroids including oestrogens and progestins39. The most researched area of CYPs is the drug metabolising CYPs in the human hepatic system such as 3A440, 2C941, 2D642, 2E143, 1A2 and 2C1944. These CYPs are responsible for the xenobiotic metabolism against infested foreign compounds, breaking them down into more readily soluble products to aid excretion through the urinary system45. For this reason, a good understanding of the metabolic pathway of organic molecules inside the body al lows drug development to invent new methods of bioactivation of inert but bioavailable forms of an active compound, where the ingested compound is inactive but gets metabolised into the active form inside the body. The versatility of CYPs can sometimes cause unexpected side-effects in metabolising pharmaceutical drugs, for example some bioactive compounds in grapefruit juice have been found to inhibit CYP catalysed metabolism of certain cardiovascular drugs, causing an increased blood concentration of the bioactive drug, thus leaking to a risk of overdose46, 47. P450cam P450cam was the first CYP to have its three-dimensional structure determined. It displays a high region- and stereoselectivity when catalysing the hydroxylation of camphor, only the exo-hydroxyl at C5 position is produced. Despite the extensive research into P450s, there are still certain details of the mechanism which are not fully understood. References 1.T.K. D. R. Nelson, D. J. Waxman, F. P. Guengerich, R. W. Estabrook, R. Feyereisen, F. J. Gonzales, M. J. Coon, I. C. Gunsalus, O. Gotoh, K. Okuda and D. W. Nebert DNA Cell Biol, 1993. 12(1): p. 1-51. 2.C. Loannides and D. Parke, Drug metabolism reviews, 1990. 22(1): p. 1-85. 3.A. Altun, S. Shaik, and W. Thiel, Journal of the American Chemical Society, 2007. 129(29): p. 8978-8987. 4.P. Danielson, Current drug metabolism, 2002. 3(6): p. 561-597. 5.I. Schlichting, J. Berendzen, K. Chu, A.M. Stock, S.A. Maves, D.E. Benson, R.M. Sweet, D. Ringe, G.A. Petsko, and S.G. Sligar, Science, 2000. 287(5458): p. 1615-1622. 6.D. Dolphin, A. Forman, D. Borg, J. Fajer, and R. Felton, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 1971. 68(3): p. 614-618. 7.J.E. Penner-Hahn, K. Smith Eble, T.J. McMurry, M. Renner, A.L. Balch, J.T. Groves, J.H. Dawson, and K.O. Hodgson, Journal of the American Chemical Society, 1986. 108(24): p. 7819-7825. 8.R. Chang, Chemistry. 9th Edition ed. 2007: McGraw-Hill. 9.A. Murphy, Plasma Chemistry and Plasma Processing, 1995. 15(2): p. 279-307. 10.T.F. Slater, Free radical mechanisms in tissue injury, in Cell Function and Disease. 1988, Springer. p. 209-218. 11.A.R. Fanelu, E. Antonini, and A. Caputo, Advances In Protein Chemistry, 1964. 19: p. 73. 12.H.S. Marver, D.P. Tschudy, M.G. Perlroth, and A. Collins, Science, 1966. 154(3748): p. 501-503. 13.F.J. Leeper, Natural Products Reports, 1983. 19: p. 1137-1161. 14.T. Yoon and J. Cowan, Journal of Biological Chemistry, 2004. 279(25): p. 25943-25946. 15.A.W. Munro, D.G. Leys, K.J. McLean, K.R. Marshall, T.W. Ost, S. Daff, C.S. Miles, S.K. Chapman, D.A. Lysek, and C.C. Moser, Trends in biochemical sciences, 2002. 27(5): p. 250-257. 16.D.F. Brook and P.J. Large, European Journal of Biochemistry, 1975. 55(3): p. 601-609. 17.M.H.M. Eppink, C. Bunthof, H.A. Schreuder, and W.J.H. van Berkel, FEBS Letters, 1999. 443(3): p. 251-255. 18.S. Harayama, M. Kok, and E.L. Neidle, Annual Review of Microbiology, 1992. 46(1): p. 565-601. 19.A. Sigel, H. Sigel, and R.K. Sigel, The ubiquitous roles of cytochrome P450 proteins: metal ions in life sciences. Vol. 10. 2007: John Wiley Sons. 20.P.R.O. De Montellano, Cytochrome P450: structure, mechanism, and biochemistry. 2005: Springer. 21.J. Axelrod, Journal of Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics, 1956. 117(3): p. 322-330. 22.B.B. Brodie, J. Axelrod, J.R. Cooper, L. Gaudette, B.N. La Du, C. Mitoma, and S. Udenfriend, Science, 1955. 121(3147): p. 603-604. 23.M. Klingenberg, Archives of biochemistry and biophysics, 1958. 75(2): p. 376-386. 24.D. Garfinkel, Archives of biochemistry and biophysics, 1958. 77(2): p. 493-509. 25.R.W. Estabrook, D.Y. Cooper, and O. Rosenthal, Biochemische Zeitschrift, 1962. 338: p. 741-755. 26.T. Omura and R. Sato, J. Biol. Chem., 1962. 237: p. 1375-1376. 27.T. Omura and R. Sato, J. Biol. Chem., 1964. 239: p. 2370-2378. 28.T. Omura and R. Sato, J. Biol. Chem., 1964. 239: p. 2379-2385. 29.Y. Hashimoto, T. Yamano, and H. Mason, Journal of Biological Chemistry, 1962. 237(12): p. PC3843-PC3844. 30.B. ÄŒreÃ… ¡nar and Ã…  . PetriÄ , Biochimica et Biophysica Acta (BBA)-Proteins and Proteomics, 2011. 1814(1): p. 29-35. 31.E.M.J. Gillam, Z.Y. Guo, and F.P. Guengerich, Archives of Biochemistry and Biophysics, 1994. 312(1): p. 59-66. 32.A. Parikh, E.M. Gillam, and F.P. Guengerich, Nature biotechnology, 1997. 15(8): p. 784-788. 33.J.A. Hasler, R. Estabrook, M. Murray, I. Pikuleva, M. Waterman, J. Capdevila, V. Holla, C. Helvig, J.R. Falck, and G. Farrell, Molecular Aspects of Medicine, 1999. 20(1): p. 1-137. 34.D.W. Nebert and D.W. Russell, The Lancet, 2002. 360(9340): p. 1155-1162. 35.D. Harris, G. Loew, and L. Waskell, Journal of Inorganic Biochemistry, 2001. 83(4): p. 309-318. 36.P. Anzenbacher and E. Anzenbacherova, Cellular and Molecular Life Sciences CMLS, 2001. 58(5-6): p. 737-747. 37.X. Ding and L.S. Kaminsky, Annual review of pharmacology and toxicology, 2003. 43(1): p. 149-173. 38.R. Lonsdale, Cytochrome P450 Reactivity and Specificity from QM/MM Modelling, 2009, School of Chemistry, University of Bristol. 39.R. Zuber, E. Anzenbacherova, and P. Anzenbacher, Journal of cellular and molecular medicine, 2002. 6(2): p. 189-198. 40.J.S. Markowitz, J.L. Donovan, C.L. DeVane, R.M. Taylor, Y. Ruan, J.-S. Wang, and K.D. Chavin, Jama, 2003. 290(11): p. 1500-1504. 41.J.O. Miners and D.J. Birkett, British journal of clinical pharmacology, 1998. 45(6): p. 525-538. 42.A. Gaedigk, M. Blum, R. Gaedigk, M. Eichelbaum, and U. Meyer, American journal of human genetics, 1991. 48(5): p. 943. 43.G. Blakey, J. Lockton, J. Perrett, P. Norwood, M. Russell, Z. Aherne, and J. Plume, British journal of clinical pharmacology, 2004. 57(2): p. 162-169. 44.V. Uttamsingh, C. Lu, G. Miwa, and L.-S. Gan, Drug metabolism and disposition, 2005. 33(11): p. 1723-1728. 45.J.F. Rogers, A.N. Nafziger, and J.S. Bertino Jr, The American journal of medicine, 2002. 113(9): p. 746-750. 46.D.G. Bailey and G.K. Dresser, American journal of cardiovascular drugs, 2004. 4(5): p. 281-297. 47.H. Hirashima, N. Uchida, I. Fukazawa, S. Ishigaki, E. Uchida, and H. Yasuhara, Rinsho yakuri/Japanese Journal of Clinical Pharmacology and Therapeutics, 2006. 37(3): p. 127-133.

The Great Gatsby :: essays research papers

The central theme is a comparison of the corrupting influence of wealth to the purity of a dream. Tom and Daisy Buchanan both lead purposeless lives that are filled with corruption through wealth, while Gatsby lives his life striving towards his dreams. They all either have no purpose in life to begin with or lose all purpose and values due the actions of another. All of the wealthy characters, including Gatsby, use people and things and then discard them as trash..   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Tom is probably leads the most purposeless life out of the three with no career. He spends his day’s playing with polo ponies and race cars. He has one affair after another and treats his mistresses of these affairs as if they were only toys. When he realizes that Daisy if having an affair with Gatsby he becomes enraged and comes back to his wife. After Daisy kills Myrtle they fleet together, neither claiming any responsibility for her death. This all shows that Tom is leading a purposeless life with no long-term goals or dreams.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Daisy, who is born and marries to wealth, also has no real values or purpose in life. She spends her life floating from one social scene to the next with, with all things about her resembling her money. She treats everyone, including her daughter, as toys that she uses for her entertainment. She goes off and has an affair with Gatsby simply to relieve her boredom. Even with all the money and possessions Daisy has no thoughts of what she will do with her purposeless life.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gatsby is the only one of the three who is not corrupted by his wealth. Although he has a large mansion, drives flashy cars, and gives extravagant parties, he has amassed none of it for himself. Everything he has achieved in life he has done to fulfill his dream, to prove to Daisy that he is worthy of her. When Daisy shatters his dreams by choosing Tom over him, Gatsby has no need for his possessions. Once he loses Daisy, Gatsby also begins going through life with no purpose.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  All of the wealthy characters, including Gatsby, use people and things and then

Cultural Influences Essay

How does an individual’s cultural experience influence his or her personality? Explain why or why not. Provide examples. Every person that is born in any family, in any part of the world is subjected to an upbringing that is surrounded by different sets of values, ethics and morals. These values in turn form the basis of a culture. The important point to note is that these values are never the same; they differ from culture to culture. A culture defines a society, the society in turn defines its norms and those norms and principles influence a personality(Reynolds , 2006). A personality is something that one cannot inherit. But it has a lot of power to be influenced by the atmosphere it is placed in. The question that rises in minds is how? Well let’s just say its human nature to adopt something that a person faces again and again repeatedly. To prove this we can see the example that the oldest of norms and values survive the most in any culture and thus are found to be a vital part of every person’s personality especially if they are from the same culture. This is why we note that people who migrate to different societies have problems in adjusting to the new culture. This is because their own native culture is so much ingrained in their personalities that it is difficult to eliminate it and replace it with new morals of the new society. The best example can be that of students who migrate to foreign countries for education. If a student who has been brought up in an eastern culture of the sub-continent will definitely have problems in adjusting to the new western culture that he has switched to. This is because that person has been brought up in a society that teaches him values completely opposite to the values of the western society that he has migrated to. And the old values are deep-rooted in his personality. He is greatly influenced by them therefore it results in problems regarding an adjustment in the culture. References Book Reynolds. J. (2006). Celebrate Connections among Cultures. Lee and Low Books.

The Emperor’s Role in Meiji Japan

Japan is a society whose culture is steeped in the traditions and symbols of the past: Mt. Fuji, the tea ceremony, and the sacred objects of nature revered in Shintoism. Two of the most important traditions and symbols in Japan; the Emperor and Confucianism have endured through Shogunates, restorations of imperial rule, and up to present day. The leaders of the Meiji Restoration used these traditions to gain control over Japan and further their goals of modernization. The Meiji leaders used the symbolism of the Emperor to add legitimacy to their government, by claiming that they were ruling under the â€Å"Imperial Will. They also used Confucianism to maintain order and force the Japanese people to passively accept their rule. Japanese rulers historically have used the symbolism of the Imperial Institution to justify their rule. The symbolism of the Japanese Emperor is very powerful and is wrapped up in a mix of religion (Shintoism) and myths. According to Shintoism the current Emperor is the direct descendent of the Sun Goddess who formed the islands of Japan out of the Ocean in ancient times. Footnote1 According to these myths the Japanese Emperor unlike a King is a living descendent of the Gods and even today he is thought of as the High Priest of Shinto. Despite the powerful myths surrounding Japan's imperial institution the Emperor has enjoyed only figure head status from 1176 on. At some points during this time the Emperor was reduced to selling calligraphy on the streets of Kyoto to support the imperial household, but usually the Emperor received money based on the kindness of the Shogunate. Footnote2 But despite this obvious power imbalance even the Tokugawa Shogun was at least symbolically below the Emperor in status and he claimed to rule so he could carry out the Within this historical context the Meiji leaders realized hat they needed to harness the concept of the Imperial Will in order to govern effectively. In the years leading up to 1868 members of the Satsuma and Choshu clans were part of the imperialist opposition. This opposition claimed that the only way that Japan could survive the encroachment of the foreigners was to rally around the Emperor. Footnote4 The Imperialists, claimed that the Tokugawa Shogunate had lost its imperial mandate to carry out the Imperial Will because it had capitulated to Western powers by allowing them to open up Japan to trade. During this time the ideas of the imperialists ained increasing support among Japanese citizens and intellectuals who taught at newly established schools and wrote revisionist history books that claimed that historically the Emperor had been the ruler of Japan. Footnote5 The fact that the Tokugawa's policy of opening up Japan to the western world ran counter to the beliefs of the Emperor and was unpopular with the public made the Tokugawa vulnerable to attack from the imperialists. The imperialists pressed their attack both militarily and from within the Court of Kyoto. The great military regime of Edo which until recently had been all owerful was floundering not because of military weakness, or because the machinery of government had broken but instead because the Japanese public and the Shoguns supporters felt they had lost the The end of the Tokugawa regime shows the power of the symbolism and myths surrounding the imperial institution. The head of the Tokugawa clan died in 1867 and was replaced by the son of a lord who was a champion of Japanese historical studies and who agreed with the imperialists claims about restoring the Emperor. Footnote7 So in 1868 the new shogun handed over all his power to the Emperor in Kyoto. Shortly after handing over power to the Emperor, the Emperor Komeo died and was replaced by his son who became the Meiji Emperor. Footnote8 Because the Meiji Emperor was only 15 all the power of the new restored Emperor fell not in his hands but instead in the hands of his close advisors. These advisers such as Prince Saionji, Prince Konroe, and members of the Satsuma and Choshu clans who had been members of the imperialist movement eventually wound up involving into the Meiji Bureaucracy and Genro of the Meiji Era. Footnote9 Once in control of the government the Meiji Leaders and advisors to the Emperor reversed their policy of hostility to Foreigners. Footnote10 They did this because after Emperor Komeo (who was strongly opposed to contact with the west) died in 1867 the Meiji Emperor's advisors were no longer bound by his Imperial Will. Being anti-western also no longer served the purposes of the Meiji advisors. Originally it was a tool of the imperialist movement that was used to show that the Shogun was not acting out the Imperial Will. Now that the Shogun and Komeo Emperor were dead there was no longer a reason to The choice of the imperial thrown by the imperialists as a point for Japan to rally around could not have been more wise. Although the imperial institution had no real power it had universal appeal to the Japanese public. It was both a mythic and religious idea in their minds. Footnote11 It provided the Japanese in this time of chaos after coming in contact with foreigners a belief in stability (according to Japanese myth the imperial line is a unbroken lineage handed down since time immortal), and it provided a belief in the natural superiority of Japanese culture. Footnote12 The symbolism of the Emperor helped ensure the success of the restorationists because it undercut the legitimacy of the Shogunate's rule, and it trengthened the Meiji rulers who claimed to act for the Emperor. What is a great paradox about the Imperialist's claims to restore the power of the Emperor is that the Meiji rulers did not restore the Emperor to power except symbolically because he was both too young and his advisors to power hungry. Footnote13 By 1869 the relationship between the Emperor and his Meiji bureaucracy and the Emperor and the Tokugawa Shogun before the restoration were very similar. Both the Meiji Bureaucrats and the Shogun ruled under the authority of the Emperor but did not let the Emperor make any decisions. In Japan the Emperor reigned but did not rule. This was useful for the new Meiji bureaucrats, it kept the Emperor a mythic The traditions and symbols of Confucianism and the Imperial Institution were already deeply ingrained in the psyche of the Japanese but the new Meiji rulers through both an education system, and the structure of the Japanese government were able to effectively inculcate these traditions into a new generation of Japanese. The education system the Meiji Oligarchy founded transformed itself into a system that indoctrinated students in the ideas of Confucianism and reverence for the Emperor. Footnote15 After the death of Okubo in 1878; Ito, Okuma, and Iwakura emerged as the three most powerful figures among the young bureaucrats that were running the government in the name of the Meiji Emperor. Iwakura one of the only figures in the ancient nobility to gain prominence among the Meiji oligarchy allied with Ito who feared Okuma's progressive ideas would destroy Japan's culture. Footnote16 Iwakura it is thought was able manipulate the young Emperor to grow concerned about the need to strengthen traditional morals. Thus in 1882 the Emperor issued the Yogaku Koyo, the forerunner of the Imperial Rescript on Education. Footnote17 This document put the emphasis of the Japanese education system on a moral education from 1882 onward. Previous to 1880 the Japanese education system was modeled on that of the French education system. After 1880 the Japanese briefly modeled their education system on the American system. Footnote18 However, starting with the Yogaku Koyo in 1882 and ending with the 1885 reorganization of the department of Education along Prussian lines the American model was abolished. The new education minister Mori Arinori after returning from Europe in 1885 with Ito was convinced that the Japanese education system had to have a spiritual oundation to it. Footnote19 In Prussia Arinori saw that foundation to be Christianity and he decreed that in Japan the Education system was to be based on reverence for the Imperial Institution. A picture of the Emperor was placed in every classroom, children read about the myths surrounding the Emperor in school, and they learned that the Emperor was the head of the giant family of Japan. Footnote20 By the time the Imperial Rescript on Education was decreed by the Emperor in 1889 the Japanese education system had already begun to transform itself into a system that did not teach how to think but instead what o think. The Imperial Rescript on Education in 1889 was according to Japanese scholars such as Hugh Borton , â€Å"the nerve axis of the new order. â€Å"Footnote21 Burton believes that the Imperial Rescript on Education signaled the rise of nationalistic elements in Japan. The Imperial Rescript on Education was the culmination of this whole movement to the right. The Rescript emphasized loyalty and filial piety, respect for the constitution and readiness to serve the government. It also exalted the Emperor as the coeval between heaven The Constitution of 1889 like the changes in the education ystem helped strengthen reverence for the Imperial Institution. The 1889 constitution was really the second document of its kind passed in Japan the first being the Imperial Oath of 1868 in which the Emperor laid out the structure and who was to head the new Meiji government. Footnote23 This Imperial Oath was refereed to as a constitution at the time but it only very vaguely laid out the structure of government. The constitution promulgated by the Emperor in 1889 did much more then lay out the structure of Japanese government it also affirmed that the Emperor was the supreme sovereign over Japan. Footnote24 The signing ceremony itself was an auspicious event on the way to it Mori Arinori one of the moderate leaders of the Meiji government was attacked and killed by a crazed rightist. Footnote25 The ceremony itself evoked both the past and present and was symbolic of the Meiji governments shift toward the right and the governments use of the Emperor as supreme ruler. Before signing the document Emperor Meiji prayed at the palace sanctuary to uphold the name of his imperial ancestors he then signed the constitution which affirmed the sanctity of the Emperor's title (Tenno Taiken), and his ight to make or abrogate any law. Footnote26 The constitution also set up a bicameral legislature. Footnote27 The constitution codified the power of the Emperor and helped the Meiji oligarchy justify their rule because they could point to the constitution and say that they were carrying out the will of the Emperor. The Meiji Emperor even after the Constitution of 1889 enjoyed little real power. The Meiji Emperor did not even come to cabinet meetings because his advisors told him if the cabinet made a decision that was different then the one he wanted then that would create dissension and would destroy the idea of the Imperial Institution. So even after the Meiji Constitution the Emperor was still predominantly a symbol. Footnote28 The Constitution ingrained in Japanese society the idea that the government was being run by higher forces who new better then the Japanese people, it also broadened the base of support of the Meiji Rulers who now had a document too prove they were acting on Imperial Will and their decisions were imperial decisions not those of mere mortals. Footnote29 The symbolism of the Emperor and use of Confucianism allowed the Meiji rulers to achieve their goals. One of their goals was the bolishment of the system of fiefs and return of all land to the Emperor. At first the new Meiji Rulers allied themselves with the Daimyo clans in opposition to the Tokugawa Shogun. But once the Meiji leaders had gained a control they saw that they would need to abolish the fief system and concentrate power in the hands of a central government. The Meiji rulers achieved their goals by having the Choshu, Satsuma, Tosa, and Hizen clans give up their lands, granting the Daimyos large pensions if they gave up their clans, and by having the Emperor issue two decrees in July 1869, and August 1871. Footnote30 The role and symbolism of the Emperor although not the sole factor in influencing the Daimyo to give up their fiefs, was vital. The Meiji Oligarchs said that not turning in the fiefs to the Emperor would be disloyal and pointed to the historical record which Meiji scholars claimed showed that historically all fiefs were the property of the Emperor. Footnote31 They showed this by claiming that the Shogun would switch the rulers of fiefs and this proved that the Daimyos did not control the title to their land but merely held it for the Emperor. Imperial decrees and slogans of loyalty to the Emperor also ccompanied the abolishment of the Samurai system. Footnote32 In the abolishment of both these feudal systems the symbolism of the Emperor as both the director of the initiative and recipient of the authority afterwards played a vital role in ensuring there success. Footnote33 The abolishment of fiefs and the samurai class were essential for the stability and industrialization of Japan. Footnote34 Without the concentration of land and power in the hands of the Meiji oligarchs and the Emperor the Meiji oligarchs feared they would receive opposition from powerful Daimyos and never gain control and uthority over all of Japan. Historical examples bear out the fears of the Meiji Oligarchy; in 1467 the Ashikaga Shogun failed to control many of the fiefs and because of this a civil war raged in Japan. Footnote35 The centralization of power allowed the Meiji government to have taxing authority over all of Japan and pursue national projects. Footnote36 The unity of Japan also allowed the Meiji Oligarchs to focus on national and not local issues. The use of Confucianism and the Emperor also brought a degree of stability to Japan during the tumultuous Meiji years. The Emperor's ere presence on a train or in western clothes were enough to convince the public of the safety or goodness of the Meiji oligarchy's industrial policy. In one famous instance the Japanese Emperor appeared in a train car and after that riding trains became a common place activity in Japan. The behavior of the Imperial family was also critical to adoption of western cultural practices. Before 1873 most Japanese women of a high social position would shave their eyebrows and blacken their teeth to appear beautiful. But on March 3rd 1873 the Empress appeared in public wearing her own eyebrows and with unblackened teeth. Following that day most women in Tokyo and around Japan stopped shaving their eyebrows and blackening their teeth. Footnote37 The Imperial institution provided both a key tool to change Japanese culture and feelings about industrialization and it provided stability to Japan which was critical to allowing industrialists to invest in factories and increase exports and The symbols and the traditions the Meiji leaders inculcated Japanese society with helped the Meiji government maintain stability and pursue its economic policies but it also had severe limitations that limited the revolutionary scope of the Japanese government and elped bring about the downfall of the Meiji era. The use of Confucianism and the Emperor to bolster the Imperial restoration laid the foundation for a paradox of state affairs. The system that sought to strengthen Japan through the use of modern technology and modern organization methods was using traditional values to further its goals. Footnote39 This caused some to turn toward the west for the â€Å"enlightenment† the Meiji era promised this was the case with Okuma who was eventually forced out of the increasing nationalist Genro. Footnote40 For others it lead them to severe nationalism rejecting all that was western. This was such the case of Saigo who believed till his death on his own sword that the Meiji leaders were hypocritical and were violating the Imperial Will by negotiating and trading with the west. Footnote41 The Meiji government used the same symbols and traditions that the Tokugawa used and like the Tokugawa gave the Emperor no decision making power. The Meiji Emperor although he had supreme power as accorded in the constitution never actually made decisions but was instead a pawn of the Meiji Genro who claimed to carry out his Imperial Will. This Imperial Will they decided for themselves. Like the Shogunate the Meiji governments claim to rule for the Emperor was fraught with problems. The Imperial Will was a fluid idea that could be adopted by different parties under changing circumstances. And just like the Meiji rulers were able to topple the Shogun by claiming successfully that they were the true administrators of the Imperial Will; the militarist elements in the 1930's were able to topple the democratic elements of Japan partially by claiming the mantle of ruling for the Emperor. Footnote42 From this perspective the Meiji Oligarchs building up of the Imperial Myth was a fatal flaw in he government. The constitution which says in article I, â€Å"The empire of Japan shall be governed over by a line of Emperors unbroken for ages eternal† gave to whoever was acting on the Imperial Will absolute The symbols of the Emperor and the tradition of Confucianism did not end with the end of the Meiji era or world war two. Today the idea of filial piety is still strong, multiple generations of a family still usually live together even in cramped Japanese housing. The religion of Shinto that the Meiji leaders rejuvenated during their rule in order to help foster the imperial cult is still thriving as he thousands of Tori gates and Shrines around Japan attest. Footnote44 But the most striking symbol to survive is that of the Emperor stripped after world war two of all power the Emperor of Japan is still revered. During the illness of Emperor Showa in 1989 every national newspaper and television show was full of reports related to the Emperor's health. During the six months the Showa Emperor was sick before he died all parades and public events were canceled in respect for the Emperor. Outside the gates of the Imperial palace in Tokyo long tables were set up where people lined up to sign cards to wish he Emperor a speedy recovery. The news media even kept the type of illness the emperor had a secret in deference to the Emperor. At his death after months of illness it was as if the Imperial Cult of the Meiji era had returned. Everything in Japan closed down , private television stations went as far as to not air any commercials on the day of his death. And now almost six years after his death more then four hundred and fifty thousand people trek annually to the isolated grave site of Emperor Showa. Footnote45 The traditions and symbolism of Confucianism and the Emperor ere critical to the Meiji oligarchs gaining control of power and goals of industrialization. The oligarchy inculcated the Japanese public with these traditional values through an education system that stressed moral learning, and through a constitution that established the law of Japan to be that of the Imperial Will. The values of Confucianism and symbol of the Emperor allowed the Meiji government to peaceful gain control of Japan by appealing to history and the restoration of the Emperor. But the Meiji oligarchs never restored the Emperor to a position of real political power. Instead he was used as tool by the oligarchs to achieve their modernization plans in Japan such as the abolishment of fiefs, the end of the samurai, the propagation of new cultural practices, and pubic acceptance of the Meiji oligarchs industrialization policies. The symbols and traditions of Japan's past are an enduring legacy that have manifested themselves in the Meiji Restoration and today in Japans continued reverence for Hidejiro Nagata, A Simplified Treatise on The Imperial House of Japan Takatsu Kuwasaburo, The History of The Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Dai Nippon Tosho Kabushiki Kwaisha, 1893) 206.